[Editorial # 86] A new chapter in Myanmar

[Following editorial has been published in The Hindu on 17th March 2016. Read through it and try to answer the questions that follow. Please do not copy and paste answers. The objective of this exercise is to get you in the groove of answer-writing. Try to write in your own words. Don't hesitate to write in a bulleted-format, if you are uncomfortable in writing in paragraph form.]

The election of U Htin Kyaw as Myanmar’s President is a watershed moment in its history. Mr. Htin Kyaw’s government would be its most democratic administration since 1962 when the military seized power. During this period, the generals ran a repressive regime that denied the people even basic democratic rights and isolated the country internationally. For Myanmar’s pro-democracy camp, the election is a moment of joy, and sorrow. Finally a legitimate, democratic government is in place, but there is deep disappointment at the fact that Aung San Suu Kyi, their “rightful” leader, could not become the President. A provision in the military-era Constitution bars Ms. Suu Kyi from assuming the highest office as her children are foreign citizens. Her National League for Democracy (NLD) lacks the parliamentary power to rewrite the Constitution. Efforts by Ms. Suu Kyi to reach a settlement with the generals did not bear fruit either. It was against this background that she nominated Mr. Htin Kyaw, an economist and writer she has known from her early school days, as the party’s presidential candidate. Ms. Suu Kyi has made it clear that she will be in control of the government, irrespective of her constitutional status.

While the formation of a democratic government is clearly a firm step forward, the new government faces an uphill task. Primarily, it has to address the deep economic problems. Myanmar is one of the poorest countries in Asia. In the years of isolation under the junta, economic growth stagnated, trapping millions in acute poverty. Getting the economy back on track is no easy task, and Myanmar will need regional and global assistance. Besides, though the generals have agreed to civilian takeover of political power, they still wield enormous influence over Myanmar’s institutions. One-quarter of seats in both Houses of Parliament are reserved for the military. This prevents any constitutional amendments without the military’s approval. The military also has direct control of three key Ministries: defence, home affairs and border affairs. Two recent actions of the military indicate it is still not ready to cede influence over institutions completely. The first is its refusal to let Ms. Suu Kyi become the President. It knew that if Ms. Suu Kyi, hugely popular at home and widely respected abroad, becomes President, that could expedite the country’s transition into a full democracy. Second, by successfully getting Myint Swe, a controversial retired general who served the previous junta, elected as one of the two vice-presidents, the military has sent a clear message to the government that it is not going to completely stay away from power. But the good news is that the balance of power has clearly shifted in favour of the pro-democracy camp after the November elections. Ms. Suu Kyi and President Htin Kyaw will have to tread cautiously but purposefully to build on the democratic gains, and expedite Myanmar’s transition into a full democracy.

Questions:

1. It is said that Burma (present day Myanmar) was a part of British India and was administered by the same government which administered mainland India? Is it true? If yes then why was it separated out of India?

2. Why is the recent Presidential election of Myanmar being considered as a watershed moment in the history of the country?

3. What is understood by a military rule? How is it different from a democratic government?

4. Mention a few nations which has been through military regimes? What were the effects of such regimes on those nations?

5. Who is Aung San Suu Kyi? What are her contributions towards establishing Democracy in Myanmar? Why did she not run for the post of the President in the recent elections?

6. What are the issues currently being faced by Myanmar? 

7. "Establishment of democracy in Myanmar is in the interest of both India and the world." Comment.

[Editorial # 74] For a green economy that is also just: The Hindu

[Following editorial has been published in The Hindu on 29th February 2016. Read through it and try to answer the questions that follow. Please do not copy and paste answers. The objective of this exercise is to get you in the groove of answer-writing. Try to write in your own words. Don't hesitate to write in a bulleted-format, if you are uncomfortable in writing in paragraph form.]

India’s solar power programme has come under intense scrutiny by global political and business leaders, especially given its aggressive intent and extensive trade opportunities. The programme, a part of the National Solar Mission, envisages an addition of 100,000 megawatts of solar power capacity by 2022. This initiative is also seen as a critical sub-component of the global effort to limit the extent of climate change. The recent ruling by the World Trade Organisation (WTO) against India must be read against this background. The WTO has ruled that the domestic content requirement (DCR) imposed by New Delhi on the production of solar cells and modules under the National Solar Mission violates global trade rules. According to the dispute settlement panel of the WTO, “These are inconsistent with both Article III:4 of the GATT [General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade] 1994 and Article 2.1 of the TRIMS [Trade-Related Investment Measures].’’ It has gone on to say that the DCR measures “do accord less favourable treatment’’ within the meaning of the provision under Article III:4 of the GATT 1994. The WTO ruling comes three years after the U.S. raised a dispute against India, and following the inability of the two countries to agree on the changes suggested by New Delhi to its solar programme. India is convinced that the DCR is a mechanism to facilitate sustainable development. It has even indicated that it is willing to apply the DCR only for buying solar panels used for government sector consumption, and has assured the U.S. that power generated from such subsidised panels will not be sold for commercial use. Coming as it does in the midst of a presidential election year, the WTO order in this instance is a significant victory for the U.S. Hailing the ruling, President Barack Obama said: “The U.S. can’t have other countries engaged in practices that disadvantage American workers and American businesses.’’ Given the potential for positive social and economic outcomes from the ambitious solar power programme, India will be compelled, as some other countries have done, to contest the WTO ruling before the appellate body.

The WTO ruling also comes soon after the Paris climate change agreement, and is bound to open up a wider debate across nations over whether initiatives such as the solar mission, with its social relevance and significant implications for a green economy, must be viewed only from the prism of a pure business opportunity. Given India’s size and also the need to provide meaningful job opportunities for millions of people, it is imprudent to conceive of a framework that either disadvantages or discourages domestic endeavour. The fight against climate change is not an exclusive cause; it has to move in tandem with the provision of jobs and the creation of an environment that facilitates a green economy. The onus for this lies not just on the developing countries. It is time the big economies realised their responsibility in building a greener world.

Questions:

1. How is Solar Power converted into electricity?

2. What are various advantages and disadvantages of Solar Power?

3. What is the total solar power potential of India? What is the share of installed solar power capacity to total installed capacity of renewable power sources in India? Which states in India have built solar power capacities? 

4. What is National Solar Mission? What are its salient features?

5. What is WTO? Who heads it? What is its role?

6. What is GATT? 

7. What is meant by Domestic Content Requirement? What is the dispute between India and USA with regards to solar panels?

8. What are the features of Paris Climate Change Agreement?

9. How are green initiatives coming in conflict with the rules and philosophy of WTO? 

[Editorial # 73] Restoring goodwill with Kathmandu : The Hindu

[Following editorial has been published in The Hindu on 25th February 2016. Read through it and try to answer the questions that follow. Please do not copy and paste answers. The objective of this exercise is to get you in the groove of answer-writing. Try to write in your own words. Don't hesitate to write in a bulleted-format, if you are uncomfortable in writing in paragraph form.]

Nepal Prime Minister K.P. Oli’s just-concluded six-day visit to India has come at an important juncture. The visit came after months of turmoil in the Madhes, or plains, region of Nepal following protests demanding a more federal framework in the new Constitution. India had tacitly backed the agitations, which resulted in a virtual blockade and a shortage of essential supplies in Nepal. After a prolonged period of vacillation, Mr. Oli committed to amendments in the Constitution that would satisfy some of the demands made by the Madhesis. This yielded an easing of the blockade after the protestors called off their stir. The net result of the Indian hand in the unrest, and of New Delhi’s perceived partisanship, had been a resurgence of jingoism in Kathmandu. It was also damaging for India, as the stand-off drained the goodwill gained from its commitment to supporting Nepal’s reconstruction after the devastating earthquake in 2015. The two countries clearly needed to recalibrate their positions, and this is a good start. Nepal has to maintain cordial relations with India; its economic dependence, especially as a landlocked state, is well understood and was, in fact, reinforced during the economic blockade. India too needs a friendly Nepal, whose geopolitical importance due to the open border between the two countries cannot be overstated. It is also in India’s interest that there be political stability in Nepal, to prevent the spillover effect any turmoil can have for the bordering States of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh and to secure the republican consensus needed to pull millions of Nepalis out of poverty.

'To that extent, Prime Minister Oli’s visit has helped reset some priorities. The emphasis by both sides was on taking forward the reconstruction assistance that India has promised. A memorandum of understanding in this regard was signed. Other MoUs covered economic aid for road projects, enhancing power transmission, and easing travel and transit of goods. As regards the question of the Constitution, the Indian government had not budged much from its earlier position on the need for a consensus through dialogue with the dissenting Madhesis to take their concerns on federalism on board. But Prime Minister Narendra Modi did acknowledge that the conclusion of the Constitution-writing process is an “important achievement”. The onus is now on Mr. Oli, his Cabinet and his party, the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist). They could still project the halt in the economic embargo and return to normalcy in the Madhes as a sign of victory and resist any further concessions towards a truly federal Nepal. But that would only amount to further brinkmanship, which could prove detrimental again in the longer run. New Delhi too should dwell on the lessons from the recent deterioration in ties and on the need for a calibrated position that supports inclusive democracy in Nepal yet does not amount to interference. Mr. Oli’s visit has demonstrated the importance of high-level ownership of bilateral engagement to return relations to a mutually beneficial equilibrium.

Questions:

1. What has been the history of India-Nepal relations? 

2. Which all Indian states share a boundary with Nepal? How long is Indo-Nepal Border? How can one go to Nepal from India?

3. What is meant by an open border? Under which treaty did India and Nepal accept to open the borders for smooth passage of people and goods? What are the other features of that treaty?

4. What is the current constitutional crisis in Nepal?

5. Who are Madhes people? What are their demands?

6. Why should India be bothered about the crisis going on in Nepal?

7. How is Nepal's development on India's cooperation and support?

8. What is an MoU? How is it different from agreement?

9. Nepal could be a significant partner to India in her endeavours to establish peace, security and prosperity in South Asia region. Comment (200 words)

[Editorial #66] Abu Dhabi calling : The Indian Express

[Following editorial has been published in The Indian Express on 16th February 2016. Read through it and try to answer the questions that follow. Please do not copy and paste answers. The objective of this exercise is to get you in the groove of answer-writing. Try to write in your own words. Don't hesitate to write in a bulleted-format, if you are uncomfortable in writing in paragraph form.]

The United Arab Emirates (UAE) have turned into India’s gateway to West Asia, focusing New Delhi’s attention on an important region long neglected by Indian foreign policy, which now appears to be acquiring the geoeconomic and strategic priority it deserves. Abu Dhabi’s Crown Prince Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan’s visit last week built on the achievements of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s trip to the UAE last August — the first by an Indian PM in over three decades, which had demonstrated India’s break from the past and recognition of the changed dynamics of the Middle East. The region’s altered security and politico-economic reality, not least because of threats like the Islamic State (IS) or the falling price of oil, necessitates new partnerships.

Although bilateral trade fell from its $73 billion peak in 2013 to $59bn in 2014-15, the UAE — which accounts for about 9 per cent of India’s crude imports — remains India’s third-largest trading partner and second-largest export destination, and has pledged to invest $75bn in India. Its $800bn sovereign wealth fund is a large resource pool from which investments can be made in infrastructure development in India — progress on these lines can be seen in Abu Dhabi’s interest in Indian highway projects. The joint production of defence equipment under the Make in India programme is another important area of focus. Mohamed bin Zayed’s visit also saw agreements, among other things, on cyberspace and cybercrime cooperation, space research, as well as collaboration on renewable energy. The MoU on currency swap between the RBI and Central Bank of UAE should ease bilateral financial transactions.

A significant aspect of bilateral ties today is the closer convergence on security and counter-terrorism. Notwithstanding a security agreement in place since 2011, progress on counter-terror and maritime security had been slow. But with the rise of the IS, the UAE took a strong stand against terror — and has, till date, deported about a dozen Indian citizens suspected of IS links. While enhanced security cooperation also ties in partly with the affairs of India’s 2.6 million large diaspora in the UAE, their problems had traditionally not received attention in Delhi. India’s six million workers in the Gulf contribute $50bn in annual remittances, but their work and living conditions need urgent redress. The PM had directly reached out to this community on his trip. Now, closer all-round bilateral cooperation should help address their concerns.

Questions:

1. Where is UAE located? Mark the location on a world map. How far is UAE from India? How can you go to UAE from India?

2. What makes UAE an important country to have healthy diplomatic relations with?

3. How can UAE help India in addressing the issue of terrorism?

4. What are major exports to and imports from UAE?

5. What has been the history of migration of Indians to UAE? What are the contributions of Indian diaspora residing in UAE?

6. What is understood by cyber security? What is the machinery set up by India to ensure cyber security?

7. What are renewable sources of energy? Why are they becoming increasingly significant? What are the challenges in harnessing renewable energy?

8. "The United Arab Emirates (UAE) have turned into India’s gateway to West Asia, focusing New Delhi’s attention on an important region long neglected by Indian foreign policy, which now appears to be acquiring the geo-economic and strategic priority it deserves". Analyse (200 words)

[Editoria # 61] Why Siachen must be demilitarised : The Hindu

[Following editorial has been published in The Hindu on 6th February 2016. Read through it and try to answer the questions that follow. Please do not copy and paste answers. The objective of this exercise is to get you in the groove of answer-writing. Try to write in your own words. Don't hesitate to write in a bulleted-format, if you are uncomfortable in writing in paragraph form.]

The February 3 avalanche on the Siachen glacier that buried 10 Indian Army soldiers is a stark reminder to both India and Pakistan about the cost of military deployment in such inhospitable territory. The bodies of most soldiers of the 19 Madras Regiment are yet to be recovered from the post on the northern part of the glacier, at a height of 19,600 feet. This was not an isolated incident but part of a growing trend in that region, as global warming dramatically affects the glacier. Last month, four soldiers of 3 Ladakh Scouts were killed when an avalanche hit a patrol party in the Ladakh region, not very far from the site of the present tragedy. Avalanches are a threat not just to Indian soldiers, but also to the Pakistani troops. In April 2012, in the Gayari sector, 129 soldiers of the 6th Northern Light Infantry of the Pakistani military and 11 civilian contractors were buried by a massive avalanche. It is not just avalanches; the challenging terrain of the glacier and its surroundings as a whole have been regularly claiming lives. According to reliable estimates, over 2,000 soldiers from both sides have died on the Siachen glacier since 1984, when India beat Pakistan by a few days to occupy many of the strategic locations on the glacier.

Ever since the two militaries began a costly engagement on the glacier, there have been numerous efforts by both countries to find a way to demilitarise the glacier. In June 1989, they came very close to clinching a final deal. The two sides had agreed to “work towards a comprehensive settlement, based on redeployment of forces to reduce the chance of conflict, avoidance of the use of force and the determination of future positions on the ground so as to conform with the Shimla Agreement and to ensure durable peace in the Siachen area”. Ever since then, India and Pakistan have tried diplomatically to find away to demilitarise the region. However, a lack of political will on both sides has meant that the status quo holds, and soldiers continue to pay a very high price in that remote snowy outpost. India has in the past suggested delineation of the Line of Control north of NJ 9842, redeployment of troops on both sides to agreed positions after demarcating their existing positions, a zone of disengagement, and a monitoring mechanism to maintain the peace. Given Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s personal initiative to visit Lahore on Christmas day and to push forward peace with Pakistan, it would only be the next logical step to look at the low-hanging fruits in bilateral issues to build trust. The demilitarisation of Siachen is definitely doable. This is not only because it is diplomatically possible, but also because there is a critical mass of opinion in both India and Pakistan that neither can sacrifice, or put in harm’s way, so many lives on the inhospitable glacier. If the initiative is not seized by both sides now, the vagaries of nature will continue to exact a toll on forces deployed in Siachen, even if peace holds.

Questions:

1. What is a glacier? What percentage of total fresh water available on earth is in the form of glaciers?

2. What is an avalanche? What factors are responsible for avalanche?

3. Trace out Siachen Glacier on a map of India? What is the dispute related to Siachen Glacier? 

4. How is Siachen Glacier strategically important for India?

5. What is Shimla Agreement? When and why was it signed? Who were the parties involved in the agreement?

6. What is Line of Control? What is its history? Trace out the same on the map of India?

7. Locate Ladakh on the map of India? What are some special attributes of Ladakh?

8. Do you think India should make efforts towards de-militarisation of Siachen Glacier? Why or why not?

9. Do you think technology can facilitate de-militarisation in Siachen Glacier? Suggest a few measures.

[Editorial # 40] Mixed legacy of the Obama years: The Hindu

[Following editorial has been published in The Hindu on 14th January 2016. Read through it and try to answer the questions that follow. Please do not copy and paste answers. The objective of this exercise is to get you in the groove of answer -writing. Try to write in your own words. Don't hesitate to write in a bulleted-format, if you are uncomfortable in writing in paragraph form.]

In a speech long on past achievements and short on policy promises for his final year in office, U.S. President Barack Obama delivered his seventh and last State of the Union address to a House of Representatives chamber on Tuesday. Equally dedicating his time at the pulpit to defending his two-term record in office and to laying out a vision consistent with the liberal paradigm of the Democratic Party, Mr. Obama posed four definitive questions, the answers to which he said would determine how much progress the U.S. would make in the years ahead. First, on how the U.S. middle class finds sufficient opportunities in the new economy to secure its prosperity; second, on how the U.S. harnesses the power of technology to tackle climate change; third, what are the means to secure the safety of Americans at home and abroad without getting trapped in any military “quagmires”; and fourth, how could America's leadership foster a less hateful, less anti-minority brand of national politics? In the face of the Republican Party’s attitude of “rancour and suspicion”, Mr. Obama has deftly navigated a path forward on domestic priorities including healthcare reform, economic revival, and sustainable technologies in the energy sector. Yet his record on foreign policy is more patchy and complex. The partial realisation of the dream of America leading a multilateral world sits rather uncomfortably with notable cases of stasis and deepening conflict.

An unequivocal feather in Mr. Obama’s cap is the détente with Iran, which, on his watch, has rolled back its nuclear programme, shipped out its uranium stockpile, and helped the world step back from the brink of war. So too is the revival of formal diplomatic ties with Cuba last summer which, after more than 50 years of isolation and economic embargo, witnessed the relaxation of travel restrictions but awaits a nod from the Republican-controlled Congress before trade can be fully opened up. At the macro level, seven years since the end of Bush-era unilateralism, the adoption of multilateral, regionally focussed and hemispheric political models have certainly come into vogue under the able guidance of the Obama machine. Yet, even as multilateralism has thrived, bilateral crisis-resolution has taken a back seat. With Russia, the legitimate concerns of an important strategic player are reduced to sound bites and talking heads on U.S. news channels. Consequently in Ukraine and Syria there is often a hair-trigger situation. Washington’s China engagement was more reactive than proactive, and led to more aggressive positions in the region. The unravelling security prospects of Afghanistan and the festering Palestine-Israel conflict were inconsistently addressed over the two presidential terms. India, though, turned out to be the classic partner for Obama’s America — there was enough bilateral economic depth to keep ties strong, and the shared idiom of pluralistic democracy held the two nations together in a close but light strategic embrace.

Questions:

1. Explain the following terms: (50 words)

• Middle Class
• Foreign Policy
• Unilateralism
• Multilateralism 

2. Map work: Trace out the following in the map and study their location (water bodies, neighbouring countries )

Iran, USA, Cuba, Ukraine, Syria, Russia, China, Afghanistan, Israel, Palestine

3. How is USA's political set up different from India? 

4. How are the modes of appointment of the President of USA and that of the Prime Minister of India different?

5. What is Iran's Nuclear Program? Why is Mr. Obama being hailed for compelling Iran to roll back its nuclear program?

6. Where is Cuba located? How far is it located from USA? What is the history of US-Cuba relationship? 

7. What were the significant achievements of President Obama's tenure? 

8. What is Palestine-Israel dispute? Do you think this dispute is impacting the world? If yes then how?

9. India and USA have a lot in common for their relationship to turn sour. Analyse (200 words)

[Editorial # 38] Sri Lanka’s historic opportunity : The Hindu

[Following editorial has been published in The Hindu on 11th January 2016. Read through it and try to answer the questions that follow. Please do not copy and paste answers. The objective of this exercise is to get you in the groove of answer -writing. Try to write in your own words. Don't hesitate to write in a bulleted-format, if you are uncomfortable in writing in paragraph form.]

It is a moment of great hope and some fear in Sri Lanka. As it takes the first step towards drafting a new Constitution, there is renewed hope that the island nation will be able to reinvent itself as a modern state, one that brings economic prosperity and national unity. At the same time, it is also difficult to ignore the fear that yet another opportunity presented by history may fail owing to political opposition, ethnic extremism and an entrenched, if not systemic, resistance to change. President Maithripala Sirisena’s address to Parliament on the occasion of the tabling of a motion to create a Constitutional Assembly was bold in its invocation of past failures. His candid reference to the failure to implement past agreements as the origin of the protracted civil war showed deep understanding of his country’s situation. Laced with justified apprehensions about the likely impediments, Mr. Sirisena has warned his countrymen against attempts to raise the bogey of external pressure and an alleged threat to the special status of Buddhism in Sri Lanka. He is aware of the presence of extremists on both sides of the ethnic divide. He has asserted that a constitutional solution will be indigenous. The process of constituting the entire membership of the current Parliament as a Constitutional Assembly has begun. A steering committee will be tasked with drafting a new Constitution while inputs from outside the parliamentary structure will be in the form of a ‘Public Representation Commission’.

For those familiar with the peace and reform processes of the last quarter century, it may appear that all talk of national unity and a non-discriminatory system is not new. It is a measure of how much the events of the recent years had turned the clock back on the discourse to resolve the national question that each time an incumbent President or Prime Minister spells out a new vision, it is accompanied by new hopes and fears. The broad contours of an alternative constitutional framework are known. To many, it lies in abolishing the executive presidency and reforming the electoral system. In recent years, promoting good governance by strengthening democratic institutions, a comprehensive rights regime and substantive power-sharing arrangements involving all ethnic minorities have been understood to be necessary elements. The path is clear, and the pitfalls are known. The process may be long and the effort to secure a two-thirds majority in the Assembly, followed by a similar special majority in Parliament and approval in a referendum, will require political will and hard work. The emergence of a new order since 2015 under President Sirisena and Prime Minister Wickremesinghe provides a setting conducive for positive change, after the first few years in the post-conflict phase were lost in triumphalist and nationalistic rhetoric. It is a historic opportunity for all stake-holders, including Tamils, Muslims and plantation Tamils, to participate in the process. It is time all sides left their nationalist rhetoric of the past behind.

Questions:

1. Explain the following terms/expressions: (50 words)

• Ethnic extremism
• Civil War
• Referendum
• Constitution

2. Where is Sri Lanka located? Locate the country on a map and identify the water bodies around the country? How far is Sri Lanka from India? If you have to go to Sri Lanka how would you travel? 

3. Write a short note on the history of Sri Lanka? What connection has this country with the mythical city of Lanka as mentioned in the epic Ramayana?

4. What is LTTE? What did they want and what was their mode of achieving their objectives?

5. Should India be concerned about the political disturbances and instability in Sri Lanka? Why or why not?

6. What are the cultural links between India and Sri Lanka?

7. What are 13th Amendment and Rajiv-Jayawardene Accord?

8. What are the current issues prevailing in Sri Lanka?

9. Why is Sri Lanka trying to draft a new Constitution? 

10. Sri Lanka ia all set to start drafting a new Constitution. Should India be concerned about such developments in Sri Lanka? Evaluate the pros and cons. (200 words)

[Editorial # 37] China’s contagious economic turmoil : The Hindu

[Following editorial has been published in The Hindu on 9th January 2016. Read through it and try to answer the questions that follow. Please do not copy and paste answers. The objective of this exercise is to get you in the groove of answer -writing. Try to write in your own words. Don't hesitate to write in a bulleted-format, if you are uncomfortable in writing in paragraph form.]

China’s transition to a ‘new normal’ rate of growth was always expected to be bumpy. But, as it shifts gears, the Asian giant is spilling pain on to the rest of the world, and volatility is about the only certainty in the global economy at the moment. The yuan’s depreciation on Thursday to its lowest level since 2011, again put stock markets and currencies worldwide under pressure. Investors fear other countries could now be forced to consider competitive currency devaluations. The depreciation was less unexpected than the devaluations in August and is in line with Beijing’s move to make the yuan — all set to become a reserve currency of the International Monetary Fund — more market-linked. There’s a fresh worry: China’s foreign exchange reserves shrank by $108 billion in December, the biggest monthly drop on record, and declined by $513 billion last year. To put this figure in perspective, India’s foreign exchange reserves added up to $350.4 billion on January 1. The accelerating outflows from China, investors fear, could also be a sign of the country’s deepening troubles. China is rebalancing its economy, shifting it away from a model of debt-fuelled infrastructure and low-cost exports towards lower but more sustainable growth, driven instead by domestic consumption and services. Reformers in Beijing want to slow the Chinese economy, which expanded at a frenetic 10 per cent annually before 2008, and by about 7 per cent more recently. As the world’s second largest economy goes through a recalibration, the question increasingly being asked is: are the authorities in Beijing in control of the transition?

The scale and span of China’s trade gives it an over-sized influence over the global economy. Its waning appetite for commodities and imports is hurting economies dependent on such exports. For India, though, the drop in international commodity prices, especially of oil, is providing a silver lining as it is a net importer. The pain for India will come from the big and growing trade deficit it has with China. The deficit, which was $48 billion at the end of March, had reached $36 billion in the first eight months of this year and could worsen with the yuan’s depreciation. The Indian government must recognise that the depreciating yuan is a threat above all to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ‘Make In India’ plan. Indian manufacturers already suffer significant cost disadvantages. Their competitiveness will now diminish further against imports from China. Under the burden of China’s slowdown, global trade itself has shrunk. Recovery continues to elude the world more than seven years after the financial meltdown in 2008 and the subsequent monetary easing worldwide. India must recognise that the global economic scenario is far from healthy and take steps to spur domestic growth.

1. Explain the following terms/expressions

• Rate of growth
• Depreciation
• Currency Devaluation
• International Monetary Fund
• Monetary easing
• Trade Deficit

2. Why are investors worried about devaluation of Yuan? 

3. What is meant by slowing down of an economy? What could be the reasons for slowing down of Chinese economy?

4. What is meant by reserved currency of IMF? Which all currencies are currently the reserved currency of IMF? What are the criteria for getting a reserved currency status for any particular currency? 

5. What does the editor mean when he says that China is rebalancing its economy?

6. Would a slowdown of Chinese economy impact the global economy? How?

7. How would Make in India program be impacted by devaluation of Chinese currency?

8. A increasing trade deficit between India and China is cause of concern for India's economic growth. Discuss (200 words)

9. A depreciating Yuan is not a good sign for Indian economy. Comment (200 words)

[Editorial # 34] A dangerous escalation : The Hindu

[Following editorial has been published in The Hindu on 6th January 2016. Read through it and try to answer the questions that follow. Please do not copy and paste answers. The objective of this exercise is to get you in the groove of answer -writing. Try to write in your own words. Don't hesitate to write in a bulleted-format, if you are uncomfortable in writing in paragraph form.]

The execution of Sheikh Nimr al-Nimr, an influential Shia cleric, by Saudi Arabia has expectedly led to a flare-up of sectarian passions in West Asia. Sheikh Nimr was the most prominent religious leader of the Kingdom’s Shia minority, which has long been subjected to institutionalised segregation by the Sunni monarchy of the al-Saud family. He was the driving force behind the 2011 protests in the country’s east, inspired by Arab Spring protests elsewhere. Moreover, Sheikh Nimr was a respected cleric among the Shia community in general. He had spent years in Iran’s Shia seminaries. Tehran had repeatedly asked Riyadh to pardon him. By executing him, ignoring all those pleas, Saudi Arabia has dangerously escalated its rivalry with Iran. Within days, the stand-off has snowballed into a full-blown diplomatic crisis with sectarian overtones. Saudi missions in Tehran and Mashhad were ransacked by protesters. In return, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain and Sudan have cut diplomatic relations with Iran, while the United Arab Emirates has downgraded ties.

West Asia is already witnessing sectarian conflicts. Iraq, which is torn apart on sectarian lines, is taking baby steps under the new Prime Minister, Haider al-Abadi, to rebuild national unity. The country witnessed a bloody phase of sectarian strife in the aftermath of the U.S. invasion. Parts of the country, including the second largest city, Mosul, are still under the control of Islamic State, which is carrying out a systematic campaign against non-Sunni religious groups. In Yemen, the Shia Houthi rebels are fighting forces loyal to a Saudi-protected government led by Sunnis. In Bahrain, the wounds of a Shia rebellion which was crushed by a Sunni monarch with the help of the Saudis are still not healed. By executing Sheikh Nimr, Riyadh has poured oil into this sectarian fire, for which the region will have to pay a huge price. For decades, one of the main sources of instability in West Asia has been the cold war between Saudi Arabia and Iran. Though the ultimate goal of both nations has been regional supremacy, they use sectarianism as a vehicle to maximise their interests. While Riyadh has the support of Sunni monarchs and dictators in the Arab world, Iran is aligned with Iraq and Syria, besides its proxies such as Hezbollah in Lebanon and the Houthis in Yemen. This sets the stage for a dangerous Shia-Sunni conflict across the region. Unless tensions are dialled down between these two heavyweights, there will not be peace in West Asia. Both the U.S. and Russia, allies of Saudi Arabia and Iran respectively, have called for calm. Moscow has reportedly offered to mediate between Riyadh and Tehran. The U.S. and Russia should use their influence to rein in further escalation of tensions. Unchecked, the Saudi-Iran rivalry could plunge the region, already torn apart by invasions, civil wars and terrorism, into further chaos.

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Questions:

1. Explain the following terms/phrases:

• Shia-Sunni
• Monarchy
• al-Saud family
• Sectarian Conflict
• Islamic State
• Houthi rebeles
• Hezbollah

2. Which all countries are part of West Asia? 

3. Mark the countries and adjoining water bodies in and around West Asia on a political map of West Asia.

4. Which early civilisation is considered to have existed at the same part of the earth which is today called West Asia? How did it perish?

5. What are the causes of conflict currently prevailing in West Asia? How is it a cause of concern for the entire world?

6. How does an conflict-riden West Asia affect India? 

7. What steps should India take towards establishment of peace and stability in West Asia?

8. "Unchecked, the Saudi-Iran rivalry could plunge the region, already torn apart by invasions, civil wars and terrorism, into further chaos". Analyse (200 words)

9. The hostilities currently prevailing in West Asia is a direct fall-out of West's ideology of Neo-imperialism. Comment (200 words)

[Editorial # 26] New energy in old friendship : The Hindu

[Following editorial has been published in The Hindu on 26th December 2015. Read through it and try to answer the questions that follow. Please do not copy and paste answers. The objective of this exercise is to get you in the groove of answer -writing. Try to write in your own words. Don't hesitate to write in a bulleted-format, if you are uncomfortable in writing in paragraph form.]

“Should old acquaintance be forgot”, asks the famous song Auld Lang Syne, traditionally sung at the year’s end. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Russia last week, much in the manner of the song, was as much about reassuring a “strong and reliable friend of India”, as he referred to Russia, as it was about chalking out new avenues for future cooperation in defence, energy and space. These avenues are well- charted, with the annual summit between both countries giving a consistent direction on all bilateral agreements, but relations have flagged in the past few years. This year the summit itself had to be put off several times for one reason or another, and it was finally held on Christmas-eve, which was the last possible window before Russia shuts down for holidays. In contrast, India’s relationship with the other world power, the United States, has seen a dramatic year, particularly in military engagement. From U.S. President Barack Obama’s visit to New Delhi as chief guest at the Republic Day parade, when India and the U.S. signed their first military agreement outside South Asia as a maritime cooperation agreement, firming up of more military exercises and joint development of defence equipment, visits by top U.S. generals, and the first-ever visit by the Indian Defence Minister to an American military base — all have given the impression that India is abandoning its traditionally neutral strategic space.

While Prime Minister Modi’s visit may not have resulted in overturning that impression entirely, it has served as a major boost to the outlook on India-Russia ties in the future. First, a series of defence acquisitions announced in the works will put Russia back on top of military suppliers to India, a spot taken by the U.S. and Israel for more than five years. Second, the deal for 200 Ka-226T Kamov helicopters will become the first big Make in India project, which has tended to be only a slogan thus far. Third, by investing time in the CEO summit that included several Indian players in the energy and defence sector, Mr. Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin have shown a desire to involve the private sector in areas that only saw government-to-government deals. This move is the most significant: despite the close friendship the two have fostered, the immense goodwill the people of the two countries share and the major dependence the Indian military has on Russian hardware, bilateral trade ties have always been poor, and even today languish below $10 billion. Russian and Indian industry’s interest and investment will give what the leaders referred to as the old friendship’s “new energy”. An energy that will also bolster India’s plans for new ties with Central Asia, and more recently, in the trips Mr. Modi made straight after his Moscow visit, with Afghanistan and Pakistan.

Questions:

1. Which part of the globe is Russia situated? Can you locate Russia on a world political map? Which all countries and water bodies share a border/coast with Russia?

2. Why is Russia being called “strong and reliable friend of India”? What has been the history of India-Russia ties?

3. What do you understand by terms like 

• cooperation in defence, energy and space
• annual summit
• bilateral agreements
• government-to-government deals

4. What is the significance of inviting heads of states as chief guests at the Republic Day Parade? Who is being invited for the same at the Republic Day parade in 2016?

5. What are the recent events which show that India-US military ties are improving?

6. How is PM's visit to Russia going to improve India-Russia ties?

7. Do you think India-Russia ties were deteriorating because of India's increasing closeness to US?

8. How can a strong strategic relation with Russia could secure India's interests?

9. Had there been no cooperation from erstwhile USSR, India could not have progressed in the fields of defence, energy and space research? Do you agree? Justify.

[Editorial # 25] A bold & laudable initiative

[Following editorial has been published in The Hindu on 26th December 2015. Read through it and try to answer the questions that follow. Please do not copy and paste answers. The objective of this exercise is to get you in the groove of answer -writing. Try to write in your own words. Don't hesitate to write in a bulleted-format, if you are uncomfortable in writing in paragraph form.]

"To achieve the impossible, it is precisely the unthinkable that must be thought,” wrote a famous novelist. To that end, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s unannounced visit to Kabul and surprise stopover in Lahore is certainly as unthinkable as it is a transformational moment for India. While several Indian Prime Ministers have attempted to turn ties with Pakistan into something more neighbourly, nothing defines good neighbours more than Mr. Modi’s “dropping in” for tea to wish his counterpart, Nawaz Sharif, on his birthday and to give his good wishes for his grand-daughter’s wedding. With the two visits on Christmas day, bringing together India’s interest in engaging both Afghanistan and Pakistan, he has also reclaimed the ‘SAARC moment’ of his swearing-in ceremony in 2014, which many had called a masterstroke at the time. What is perhaps the most surprising is not just that Mr. Modi decided to make the stops, but that they come at the end of a year when relations with both Afghanistan, over talks with the Taliban, and Pakistan, over LoC firing and the NSA talks, were very troubled. Mr. Modi has ensured that a curtain has been drawn on those troubles, and a new beginning will be made in the new year. Not just that, by making the journey from Kabul to Lahore, he has transformed Afghanistan from a battlefield between India and Pakistan into a facilitator of good relations. The road ahead is certainly perilous. Relations with Pakistan have often seen setbacks far worse than the strides in ties. The Kargil war followed just such a bold initiative by Atal Bihari Vajpayee on the Lahore bus, and Manmohan Singh’s sustained talks on Kashmir with President Musharraf, who he invited for a cricket match to India to restart talks, went awry after a series of attacks. However, if Mr. Modi were to dwell only on those perils, there would be no way of moving forward, and he has been wise to take the high road to peace over the low road of discordant ties with Pakistan. The two foreign secretaries should build on this breakthrough at their meeting scheduled for mid-January. 

If Mr. Modi’s move towards Pakistan represents a maturing and progression of his position, then the Congress party’s attack on the Lahore visit represents a churlish regression in its position. It is surprising that the main opposition party has chosen to criticise Mr. Modi for everything its own Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh, risked so much for during his tenure. In 2007, many were aghast when Dr. Singh said he dreamed of a time he could have breakfast in Amritsar, lunch in Lahore and dinner in Kabul. With a few modifications, Mr. Modi, who is now the biggest beneficiary of the previous government’s sagacious Pakistan policy, has achieved that dream, in reverse.

Questions: 

1. What are the thorns in India - Pakistan relations?

2. What are the major milestones in the efforts of improving India-Paksitan ties?

3. How has India supported Afghanistan to rebuild its democracy?

4. What is SAARC? What is its significance?

5. What is the history of LoC? Trace it out on a map of India?

6. What is NSA? What is the role of NSA?

7. What is the history of Kargil War? 

8. What is the role of the institution of the Foreign Secretary? How is a Foreign Secretary appointed?

9. Trace out the major events in the history of Jammu and Kashmir since the British rule.

10. The progress of SAARC as an effective regional cooperation in line with other such regional groupings is contingent upon the healthy relations between India and Pakistan. Critically analyse.

[Editorial # 15] Peace in the pipeline: The Hindu

Peace in the pipeline

After being called a pipe dream for decades, the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India pipeline came one step closer to reality on Sunday, with the groundbreaking ceremony at the Turkmen town of Mary attended by leaders of the TAPI countries. The pipeline, that is set to cross over 1,700 km, through Herat and Balochistan before reaching the Indian Punjab border, and will draw from the world’s second largest natural gas field of Galkynysh, comes full of promise. To begin with, it will reopen a historic route that reconnects South Asia to Central Asia, in the way it was before the British Empire sealed it off. It will also bring India and its neighbours much needed energy at competitive pricing, and could easily supply a quarter of Pakistan’s gas needs, about 15 per cent of India’s projected needs, as well as Afghanistan’s requirements, by the time it is completed in the 2020s. This is a growing need, and even if India is able to source energy from other countries like Iran and further afield, both the proximity and abundance of Turkmenistan’s reserves, that rank fourth in the world, will make it an attractive proposition. At a time when China has already secured nearly half of its energy requirements from the region, and is working on the $400 billion Russia-China gas pipeline, India has no time to lose in securing its interest in Central Asia. Finally, the TAPI pipeline gives this fractured region a reason to work on a project together as well, and it is hoped the shared stakes in TAPI’s success will ensure that India, Pakistan and Afghanistan find ways of cooperating on other issues as well. 

However, the project faces the challenge of terrorism today. Unless the pipeline is secured from the Taliban that operates on both sides of the Durand Line, and from militant groups operating in Pakistan, it is hard to see how the TAPI dream can go beyond the groundbreaking ceremony. “By coming this far, we are overcoming a history of doubt and scepticism,” said Afghanistan President Ashraf Ghani at the ceremony. Certainly, the fact that the TAPI, pushed by Turkmen President Gurbanguly Berdimohamedov, was able to bring leaders of three countries with relations as complicated as India, Pakistan and Afghanistan share is itself remarkable. To envisage a $10 billion project that traverses all three countries with all the bad blood between Afghanistan and Pakistan, and Pakistan and India, is ambitious as well. If it can manage to loosen the tight bonds between terror groups and their sponsors in Pakistan, who ought to see where their own interests lie, it will achieve the impossible; something no amount of pressure, cajoling and threat from India, Afghanistan and other countries has been able to effect in Pakistan thus far. The only way the project will be actualised is if the leadership of all four member-countries don’t just dwell on the world that exists today, but the region as it can be: connected, cooperative, peaceful and prosperous.

Questions:

1. What all countries are there in Central Asia?

2. What could be possible areas of cooperation between India and Central Asian Countries?

3. What is the history of India-Central Asia relationship?

4. What are the reasons behind India pushing for TAPI pipeline?

5. What are the possible challenges before all the stakeholders in TAPI project?

6. Which energy source is planned to be shipped through the pipeline? What is its composition?

7. Does India have an existing network of gas pipelines? How is it better than other conventional shipping modes?

8. What is the energy requirement of India? How is it linked to the growth of economy?

9. What measures have other countries like China adopted for securing its energy needs?

10. What measures you would suggest for improving the energy security of our country?

[Editorial # 9] Securing the pace of India-Pakistan Talks

Securing the pace of India-Pakistan Talks

External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj’s touchdown in Islamabad marks a decisive moment in the Narendra Modi government’s Pakistan policy. While she is in Islamabad ostensibly for a conference on Pakistan, it is clear from the flurry of meetings that bilateral engagement is back on track. After 18 months of starts and stops, New Delhi has taken a considered position to re-engage with its most difficult relationship in the neighbourhood, a decision that must be lauded. It is also clear that some lessons have been learnt from the past. 

First, the meetings have been held without hype or announcement, with expectations being kept low. Second, after the Paris meetings between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, as well as the Bangkok meeting between the National Security Advisors and Foreign Secretaries of both countries, the joint messaging in Islamabad and Delhi has been kept unified and simple. Finally, both sides have managed well the opposition within their own flanks over the reasons for the re-engagement; very few discordant voices have been heard from the military establishment in Rawalpindi or the BJP’s headquarters and the party’s Sangh Parivar allies, the kind that marked previous engagements. 

It is to be hoped that all talks from this point onwards will follow the same path, building from one meeting to the next, until they produce concrete results. A start would be the announcement of a structured set of meetings to be held on a regular basis between officials at different levels that will protect the process from disruptions. Next, it is important that the confidence-building measures already agreed to, on trade and visa liberalisation, are implemented at the earliest.

Finally, the way forward on Jammu and Kashmir and terrorism, the two lasting issues between India and Pakistan, must be charted out. This is by no means the first government to attempt to do all of this. Others, including some with more experience, tried and failed.

The Modi government would therefore be well-advised to strike a different path and be more forthcoming, in public, on just why they are meeting and what they hope to achieve. Despite his famous speech on “breakfast in Amritsar, lunch in Lahore and dinner in Kabul”, former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh didn’t articulate just where his talks with the Pakistan government on Kashmir had led, until it was too late to shape public opinion about them. 

Mr. Modi must explain his vision for peace with Pakistan and what has spurred this new round of negotiations, especially since none of the conditions for talks that he and his Cabinet Ministers had spoken of over the past few months has been met. In Pakistan, the way forward should be even clearer: end support to all terror groups, especially those who seek violence against India. While it is hardly possible to put behind the decades of bad blood between the two countries any time soon, it is possible to pause, and to envisage a new chapter in relations.

http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/editorial/securing-the-pace-of-indiapakistan-talks/article7962355.ece?homepage=true

Questions:

1. What are the disputes between India and Pakistan?

2. Why is it important to have good relations with neighbouring countries?

3. What is the history behind the troubled relations between India and Pakistan?

4. What are the major events which had contributed towards deterioration of ties between India and Pakistan?

5. What is Kashmir issue? What are the stands of India and Pakistan over this issue?

6. Is there any area where both the countries have displayed maturity and have kept it unaffected by bilateral differences?

7. What type of political establishment does Pakistan have? How is it different from India?

8. What all terrorist organisations are operating from Pakistani soil? 

9. What is LOC?

10. What is the impact of the disputes on the population on both sides of LOC?

11. Who is the current National Security Advisor of India? What is his role?